The Braverman Prophecy - Part Seven - Will Assange Talk About Eric Braverman?

Ode To Eric Braverman - The Real DNC Leaker

Eight years ago, we found out who the real DNC leaker was in an email from John Podesta. The DNC email simply read, “Eric Braverman.”

And Podesta was not happy about it. He wanted to make an example out of the DNC leaker, Eric Braverman. Braverman fled to Israel to stay at the home of Ukrainian criminal Billionaire Igor Kolomoisky, Mossad’s henchman in Ukraine to this day.

Detailed Summary of the Article

The article revisits George Webb’s 2016 claim that the true source of the Democratic National Committee (DNC) email leak was Clinton Foundation CEO Eric Braverman, not staffer Seth Rich.

Webb recounts an October 2016 John Podesta email that allegedly named Braverman and describes Podesta’s insistence on “making an example” of the leaker. Braverman is said to have fled New York the same night a pressure-cooker bomb went off on West 23rd Street, ultimately reaching Igor Kolomoisky’s penthouse in Tel Aviv before hiding on a nearby kibbutz linked to a rabbi who is Mark Zuckerberg’s half-brother.

According to Webb, Braverman resurfaced at Oxford in mid-2017 after nine months in hiding, while Podesta and the FBI pivoted to using Seth Rich in an entrapment “school play” that tried to lure Donald Trump into accepting a sanitized tranche of DNC emails framed as a Russian hack.

Webb argues that the FBI’s SecureDrop system—developed by the U.S. Navy Research Laboratory and deployed at WikiLeaks—was central to this sting. He contends that Podesta first dangled a small set of financial-committee emails via Rich, then, after Rich’s disputed death, sought to replicate the ploy with a larger release.

Webb describes traveling to Washington DC in 2017, interviewing hospital staff and witnesses, and finding “no autopsy or death certificate” for Rich, reinforcing his belief that the murder scene was staged. A Senate Sergeant at Arms information-security specialist, whom Webb nicknamed “Deep Blackberry,” allegedly confirmed internal DNC knowledge of the ruse and handed Webb an encrypted device as proof.

The narrative weaves Braverman’s refusal to sign what he viewed as falsified Clinton Foundation financials into wider covert operations—Operation Zero Footprint in Libya, Operation Timber Sycamore in Syria, and CIA-backed regime change in Ukraine spearheaded by Natalia Sova and David Petraeus.

Webb links Kolomoisky, Israeli politician Avi Braverman, and ex-Mossad general Danny Rothschild to plans for the East Med gas pipeline and predicts more wars “to finish paying for it,” citing the current conflict in Ukraine as evidence.

He also recounts the death of WikiLeaks mentor Gavin MacFadyen on 23 September 2016—the day Braverman allegedly fled—and his own trips to Ecuador and Germany to understand WikiLeaks’ internal dynamics.

Finally, Webb criticizes Julian Assange’s recent guilty plea, the brief removal of DNC emails from the WikiLeaks site, and the continued U.S. Navy development of SecureDrop, arguing that transparency demands a full press conference and public disclosure of how the 2016 leak-bait operation actually worked.

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People

Eric Braverman
Braverman, former CEO of the Clinton Foundation, is portrayed as the real source of the DNC email trove. He allegedly balked at signing Clinton Global Initiative financial statements tied to covert regime-change funding and began leaking emails in 2015–2016 to distance himself from potential fraud. After Podesta’s email fingered him, Braverman purportedly escaped New York on 23 September 2016, hid with Israeli-Ukrainian oligarch Igor Kolomoisky, and re-emerged at Oxford in 2017. Webb casts Braverman as a principled whistle-blower whose actions exposed Libya, Syria, Ukraine, and Iran pay-to-play schemes.

John Podesta
Then-Clinton campaign chairman Podesta is depicted as furious once Braverman was named in the leaked email and determined to “make an example” of him. Webb claims Podesta orchestrated a two-step entrapment using Seth Rich and WikiLeaks’ SecureDrop to bait Trump into collusion allegations. Podesta’s own hacked emails, including invitations to “PizzaGate” dinners, further fueled conspiracy narratives around him. In Webb’s framing, Podesta is the architect of a sophisticated information-warfare campaign that leveraged FBI assets and media allies to shield the Clinton Foundation and hobble Trump.

Seth Rich
Rich, a DNC data staffer, is recast as a “replacement” fall guy handed a sanitized subset of party emails by the FBI to serve as Trump’s lure. Webb argues that Rich’s July 2016 shooting was staged, pointing to missing hospital records, sealed FBI files, and conflicting crime-scene photographs. Rich’s alleged role was to provide credibility to the Russia-hack narrative while distracting from Braverman’s broader Libya/Syria/U­kraine leaks. His death, synchronized with donor Molly McCauley’s, became central to debates over “Russian interference” and remains unresolved in Webb’s investigation.

Igor Kolomoisky
Kolomoisky—Ukrainian-Israeli billionaire, former governor of Dnipro, and reputed militia financier—is said to have hosted Braverman in his Tel Aviv penthouse. Webb brands him “Mossad’s henchman” and ties him to both Ukrainian privatization schemes and East Med pipeline lobbying. Kolomoisky’s alleged safe-house role underscores the overlap between Israeli business interests and U.S. political scandals. Webb also blames Kolomoisky-backed conflicts for funding the pipeline and destabilizing Eastern Europe.

Julian Assange
The WikiLeaks founder is portrayed as both a tool and (potentially unwilling) participant in the SecureDrop entrapment. Webb notes Assange’s motorcycle dash to the Ecuadorian embassy and friendship with technologist Jacob Appelbaum as critical moments before the leak. He condemns Assange’s 2025 guilty plea for conspiracy, arguing it suppresses discovery and seals crucial FBI files. Webb urges Assange to hold a live press conference admitting how SecureDrop was weaponized in 2016 to bait Trump.

Donna Brazile
Former DNC chair Brazile allegedly drove Seth Rich to Andrews Air Force Base the night he disappeared, according to “Deep Blackberry.” Webb portrays her as complicit in shielding the entrapment narrative and steering media attention. Her earlier leaks of debate questions to Hillary Clinton bolster Webb’s depiction of her as a partisan operator. Brazile’s actions exemplify institutional efforts to control the leak storyline and protect the Clinton campaign.

Gavin MacFadyen
The WikiLeaks associate and investigative-journalism mentor died on 23 September 2016—the same day Braverman fled, in Webb’s timeline. Webb implies MacFadyen’s death dampened internal WikiLeaks scrutiny of SecureDrop. As a longtime champion of whistle-blowers, MacFadyen’s passing removed a potential skeptic who might have exposed the entrapment. His sudden illness and death thus acquire conspiratorial overtones within Webb’s narrative.

Avi Braverman
Israeli politician Avi Braverman, unrelated to Eric by blood, surfaces in Webb’s 2016 reporting as part of a Tel Aviv networking circle that included Mossad officers. Webb links Avi Braverman to East Med pipeline advocacy and notes the coincidence of surnames to emphasize media confusion. He is portrayed as benefiting from wartime energy realignment in the region. While peripheral, his role highlights Israeli interests interlaced with DNC intrigue.

Danny Rothschild
Major General (Res.) Daniel “Danny” Rothschild, former head of IDF Military Intelligence, features as a Mossad-aligned strategist promoting the East Med pipeline. Webb alleges he used Afghan and Iraq War dollars to bankroll pipeline groundwork. Rothschild’s overlap with Kolomoisky and Avi Braverman underscores a triad of Israeli-Ukrainian-U.S. interests. He exemplifies how regional energy geopolitics intersected with cyber-leak politics.

“Deep Blackberry” (anonymous Senate Sergeant at Arms staffer)
This unidentified information-security expert allegedly handed Webb an encrypted Senate device as evidence of insider knowledge. He claimed Brazile drove Rich to Andrews and affirmed the leak-entrapment narrative. Webb interprets his outreach as an attempt to trace Webb’s DNC sources and gauge damage. The pseudonym underscores pervasive digital-surveillance themes running through the article.

Steve Richetti
Now White House Chief of Staff, Richetti attended Miami University with Webb, providing a personal link for the “Biden advisor” to test Webb’s intel. Webb cites this collegiate tie as context for why he might have been approached. Richetti becomes a symbol of longstanding Delaware-centric political networks extending into the 2016 controversy. His cameo shows how friendships can blur investigative lines.

Natalia Sova
Ukrainian liaison Natalia Sova, tied to the 2014 Maidan coup and a “Spy Ring in Congress,” represents Clinton-aligned covert influence in Kyiv. Webb claims she helped channel Clinton Foundation funds into Ukraine’s 2014 overthrow. Her activities allegedly dovetailed with Petraeus’s plans for broader regional regime change. Sova embodies the Ukraine dimension of Braverman’s whistle-blowing.

David Petraeus
The former CIA director is cast as architect of four additional covert overthrows financed through Clinton-Foundation conduits. Webb asserts Petraeus relied on Braverman to execute these plans, but Braverman’s moral opposition spurred the leaks. Petraeus’s inclusion links military intelligence to political fundraising and email subterfuge. His presence reinforces the article’s claim of high-level statecraft behind the DNC saga.

Frank Giustra
Canadian mining magnate Giustra’s philanthropy arm, the Clinton Global Initiative, sits at the heart of Braverman’s refusal to sign “false financial statements.” Webb alleges CGI funneled resources into clandestine operations in Libya and Syria. Giustra’s reputation as a major Clinton donor accentuates potential conflicts of interest. His role crystallizes the money-laundering motif threading through the leak story.

Jenny Moore (“Task Force”)
Former cop and rape-victim counselor Jenny Moore partnered with Webb on the “Task Force Orange Journal.” She traced Ukrainian money flows through Congress and tied them to CIA operations—contributions Webb credits as pivotal. Moore’s whistle-blowing persona parallels Braverman’s but ended with her suspicious 2018 death. Her inclusion underlines the personal risks facing independent investigators.

Jacob Appelbaum
The Tor developer and WikiLeaks volunteer met with Assange shortly before the embassy asylum. Webb positions Appelbaum as a technical gatekeeper who might have unknowingly enabled SecureDrop back-doors. Once publicly accused of misconduct, Appelbaum faded from activism, limiting his ability to contest the narrative. His cameo highlights the intersection of infosec elites and geopolitical leaks.

Daniel Domscheit-Berg
Co-founder of the Chaos Computer Club spin-off OpenLeaks, Domscheit-Berg met Webb in Berlin. He previously clashed with Assange over source-protection protocols. Webb cites the meeting to demonstrate due diligence in evaluating SecureDrop’s chain of custody. Domscheit-Berg exemplifies German hacker culture’s long-term engagement with whistle-blower tooling.

Kim Dotcom
The Megaupload founder periodically claims inside knowledge of Seth Rich and WikiLeaks matters. Webb warns that Dotcom’s re-emergence in current discussions “looks bad,” suggesting opportunism. His legal entanglements with U.S. extradition add further uncertainty. Dotcom’s mention serves as a cautionary tale about self-styled intermediaries muddying evidence chains.

Chelsea Manning
Referred to by her former name Bradley, Manning is framed as an earlier example of SecureDrop being used to smoke out whistle-blowers—in her case, military personnel discussing CIA-JSOC missions. Webb draws parallels between Manning’s court-martial and Rich’s saga to illustrate a recurring entrapment template. Manning’s leaks of diplomatic cables and war logs legitimize WikiLeaks’ brand but also triggered the very security upgrades (like SecureDrop) later weaponized. Her story underscores the double-edged nature of digital-dropbox platforms.

Mark Zuckerberg’s half-brother rabbi (unnamed)
Webb notes that Braverman briefly stayed with this rabbi on a kibbutz outside Tel Aviv, underscoring the tech-diaspora network shielding whistle-blowers. The rabbi’s identity remains unverified, adding intrigue to Braverman’s hiding places. His mention illustrates how personal and business ties blur between Silicon Valley and Israeli security circles. Though peripheral, he exemplifies the supportive infrastructure that can protect high-value fugitives.

Molly McCauley
A DNC-affiliated fundraiser, McCauley died the same day as Seth Rich, raising suspicions for Webb. She co-worked on the Clinton-adjacent nonprofit “Resources for the Future.” The coincidence deepens doubts about Rich’s official murder narrative. McCauley’s death thus functions as corroborative circumstantial evidence in Webb’s view.

Bob Fitrakis
Ohio election-law attorney Bob Fitrakis planned to depose Rich in a lawsuit alleging DNC primary manipulation. Rich’s death canceled that deposition, supporting Webb’s theory of a silencing plot. Fitrakis shared details with Webb at attorney Cliff Arnebeck’s office, bolstering the narrative’s legal underpinning. His inclusion shows traditional litigators intersecting with citizen investigators.

Cliff Arnebeck
Election-integrity lawyer Arnebeck hosted Webb’s interview with Fitrakis and pursued litigation over DNC improprieties. He provided a legal forum for vetting Webb’s claims. Arnebeck’s past success in exposing electoral fraud lent institutional credibility. His role demonstrates how civil-court discovery could have illuminated the leak’s true origins.

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Entities and Operations

Democratic National Committee (DNC)
The DNC is cast as ground zero for both the authentic Braverman leak and the staged Seth Rich leak. Its cybersecurity posture allegedly allowed insiders, not Russians, to exfiltrate sensitive data. DNC leadership, working with the FBI, is portrayed as complicit in a “school play” sting to entrap Trump. The organization thus embodies institutional self-protection through misdirection.

Clinton Foundation
Webb frames the Foundation as a nexus for pay-to-play schemes funding covert wars and energy deals. Braverman’s refusal to endorse questionable filings sets off the entire leak saga. The Foundation’s global reach, from Haiti to Ukraine, provides the backdrop for alleged money laundering. Its opaque finances remain a focal point of Webb’s investigative arc.

Clinton Global Initiative (CGI)
CGI is depicted as the Foundation’s public-facing wing channeling donor cash into ventures like Operation Zero Footprint. Frank Giustra’s involvement underscores extraction-industry interests. Braverman’s discomfort with CGI accounting irregularities triggered his whistle-blowing. CGI thus represents the philanthropic veneer masking geopolitical machinations.

Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI)
The FBI plays a dual role: handing Rich curated emails and sealing his case files for 50 years. Webb accuses Bureau technologists of co-developing SecureDrop and manipulating WikiLeaks submissions. Their swift assertion of Russian hacking, despite insider-leak evidence, fits Webb’s entrapment thesis. The agency exemplifies politicized law enforcement in his narrative.

Central Intelligence Agency (CIA)
CIA brass, notably Petraeus, allegedly leveraged Foundation cash for regime-change ops in Libya, Syria, Iran, and Ukraine. CIA technical assets also purportedly shaped SecureDrop’s architecture. Webb sees the Agency as orchestrating foreign interventions while choreographing domestic perception management. The CIA symbolizes deep-state continuity across administrations.

Mossad
Israel’s intelligence service is linked through Kolomoisky, Danny Rothschild, and energy-security objectives like the East Med pipeline. Mossad’s informal networks allegedly provided Braverman sanctuary and logistical support. Webb presents Mossad interests as overlapping but not identical with U.S.-CIA goals, especially regarding regional gas routes. Their presence underscores the multinational dimensions of the leak affair.

WikiLeaks
Initially viewed as a transparency beacon, WikiLeaks becomes in Webb’s telling a compromised node once SecureDrop goes live. Its removal and restoration of the DNC email archive after Assange’s plea amplify suspicions. Internal figures like Assange, MacFadyen, and Appelbaum illustrate divergent philosophies toward source protection. WikiLeaks thus shifts from hero to reluctant pawn across the timeline.

SecureDrop (U.S. Navy Research Laboratory project)
SecureDrop is the technological fulcrum enabling controlled leaks and sting operations. Webb asserts its Navy origins explain how state actors monitored submissions unnoticed. The platform’s continued government development casts doubt on its independence. In Webb’s view, SecureDrop embodies the weaponization of whistle-blower technology.

Operation Zero Footprint
This covert plan sought to overthrow Libya’s government using Foundation-channeled funds. Webb traces CGI money through Braverman’s rejected ledgers into this military-intelligence adventure. Its name underscores efforts to leave no audit trail. The operation illustrates how private philanthropy can cloak kinetic interventions.

Operation Timber Sycamore
A CIA-run initiative arming Syrian rebels, Timber Sycamore features as another destination for Foundation monies. Braverman’s leaks allegedly exposed these transfers. Its failure and blowback complicate the Clinton campaign’s foreign-policy legacy. The program exemplifies proxy warfare masked by humanitarian rhetoric.

East Med Pipeline
A proposed natural-gas conduit from Israel through Cyprus to Europe, the East Med project motivates much of Kolomoisky and Rothschild’s lobbying. Webb posits that destabilizing wars in the region help finance or justify the pipeline. Its strategic value ties energy security to covert operations. The pipeline serves as a through-line connecting Ukrainian, Israeli, and U.S. interests.

Task Force Orange Journal
Webb and Jenny Moore’s investigative platform documents real-time discoveries, funding travel for on-the-ground interviews. Its reader-supported model underscores bottom-up journalism challenging institutional narratives. The Journal’s archives provide the chronological backbone for Webb’s claims. It symbolizes the alternative-media ecosystem driving much of today’s leak discourse.

Resources for the Future
A D.C. nonprofit linked to environmental policy, RFF allegedly doubled as a Clinton campaign slush fund involving Rich and McCauley. Its mention connects campaign finance, nonprofit fronts, and personal tragedies. Webb sees RFF as an example of NGO camouflage for partisan cash-flow. The entity shows how green branding can mask political machinery.

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https://www.cjr.org/behind_the_news/thin_ice.php

Our researchers covered the story daily in 2016, and after years of scorn and ridicule from trolls, it turned out Braverman did indeed flee to Europe and Israel.

Of course, the Braverman replacement, Seth Rich, turned out to be a lure for a small subset of DNC emails to entrap Trump in the “Russia, Russia, Russia” scheme to get Trump to collude with Russian for the emails. I coined the term “school play” to describe this entrapment scheme with Seth Rich. More on this later.

In short, Seth Rich was a “replacement” for Eric Braverman - a diversion from the real Libya, Syria, Ukraine, and Iran whistleblower. I took the liberty of dramatizing the situation below.

Seth Rich was given a small subset of the Hillary Clinton Libya, Syria, Ukraine, and Iran emails by the FBI. The small subset of emails approved by the FBI contained mainly financial committee interactions at the DNC.

Braverman on the other hand, really did send Libya, Syria, Ukraine, and Iran emails to the DNC. these are exactly the same transactions from the Clinton Global initiative that he did not want to put his name to by signing Clinton Foundation financial statements.

No reporters even why the FBI was even involved at all with the Seth Rich robbery/murder in Washington DC. Why would they seal his FBI files for 50 years?

As it turned out, Eric Braverman was indeed staying at Igor Kolomoisky’s luxury penthouse in Tel Aviv, just like we reported in 2016. Braverman was indeed moved to a kibbutz near Tel Aviv, living with the half-brother Rabbi of Mark Zuckerburg. Braverman finally reappeared in Oxford, England in the Summer of 2017 after a nine month disappearance.

We reported that Eric Braverman was the real DNC leaker in a live call on September 23rd, 2016, the day that Gavin McFadden of Wikileaks died and the day Braverman made his break for Europe and Israel.

We also reported on some not-so-Braverman folks in Israel at the time, like Avi Braverman and Mossad General Danny Rothschild, who was using Afghan and Iraq War dollars to build the East Med Pipeline.

Oh yeah, we predicted another Kolomoisky war to finish paying for the East Med Pipeline in 2019, and that war is happening now in Ukraine.

We even called out the pressure cooker bombing diversion on 23rd Street in New York the night the Egyptian pilots flew Braverman out of New York from his home on 23rd Street. Despite all the DNC diversions, we never lost sight of Eric Braverman as the real whistleblower and leaker at the DNC and Clinton Foundation.

I reported that Eric Braverman's continuous trove of emails had been leaked, beginning when he resigned from the Clinton Foundation in 2015, because he refused to sign false financial statements from Frank Guistra’s Clinton Global Initiative.

We followed Hillary’s Clinton Foundation money to Operation Zero Footprint to overthrow Libya, Operation Timber Sycamore to attempt to overthrow Syria, and the CIA overthrow in Ukraine through Natalia Sova in a Spy Ring In Congress.

Task Force, AKA Jenny Moore, found the key link between the Ukrainian spy in the Spy Ring in Congress to the Ukrainian CIA overthrow in 2014.

We also exposed four other CIA overthrows planned by David Petraeus and the Clinton Foundation that Eric Braverman was expected to conduct on behalf of Hillary Clinton before he balked at the job in 2015 and began leaking DNC emails in 2016 to protect his innocence.

We didn’t miss a trick regarding the DNC emails, Eric Braverman and John Podesta, in 2016. And we are not going to start now. Julian Assange has now pleaded guilty for no reason to conspiracy, and he has made his deal with the devil DNC, in my estimation, with that guilty plea.

Now, the DNC emails have mysteriously disappeared from the Wikileaks website, and Hillary Clinton has announced her new book the same day

The emails have been hastily restored when the deal makers realized this metadata looked very bad, but the damage is done for me.

In 2016, I reported that Podesta used Seth Rich to lure the first batch of sanitized DNC emails to try to entrap Trump into colluding with the Russians and Wikileaks. Podesta lured a second batch after the “death” of Seth Rich to try to entrap Trump a second time. I went to Washington, DC, in 2017 to find any evidence that Seth Rich had actually died.

Glaring errors occurred in staging the Seth Rich death scene, like the wrong corner being used for a later shot of the staged death scene.

I interviewed dozens of doctors, nurses, orderlies, and neighbors at two different hospitals, and not one person remembered Seth Rich being checked into either hospital. I was approached by a man, who purported to be a DNC insider and long time Biden adviser, who confirmed much my Eric Braverman and Seth Rich reporting.

Perhaps this “Biden advisor” approached me was because I went to Miami University with Biden Chief of Staff, Steve Richetti, and the Biden advisor wanted to know where I was getting my DNC information. The “Biden advisor” turned out to be an information security specialist at the US Senate Sergeant of Arms Office, and he left me one of his encrypted Blackberry devices from that Office as a proof point.

This long-time Biden advisor, who I gave the moniker of Deep Blackberry, told me that Donna Brazille drove Seth Rich to Andrews Air Force Base the night of his disappearance, perhaps to gain my trust that he had inside knowledge of the DNC. But he definitely gave me the impression that the Seth Rich emails were an entrapment scheme for Donald Trump. I was already investigating the FBI’s SecureDrop at Wikileaks because I had sent things to Wikileaks before this electronic dropbox was instituted.

I had gone to Quito, Ecuador in 2015 to try to send Julian Assange information through various Cabinet members and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs.

I also went to Berlin to meet the founders of the CHAOS Computer Club, including Jacob Appelbaum and Daniel Domscheit.

Jacob Appelbaum was at the British mansion Julian Assange was living in near Cambridge when he made his mad dash on his motorcycle to London to the Ecuadorian Embassy.

See Substack post - “Assange Would Have Been Acquitted.

The real DNC leaker was Eric Braverman, and Seth Rich was the fake DNC leaker. I have given Assange the benefit of the doubt all these years that he was being used in the SecureDrop intercept operation. Let me tell you, doctors, nurses, and EMTs don’t forget when a patient dies on them after a life struggle, especially a young man dying from gunshot wounds. The doctor remembers everything. The nurses remember everything, even years and years later.

I found no autopsy and no death certificate either. After months of interviews, I became convinced Podesta had lured both sets of DNC emails to entrap Trump using Seth Rich to lure the first set of DNC emails, full stop.

I found Seth Rich was a ghost in the DNC, and I wrote a book of that title to prove it. I interviewed Bob Fitrakis in the law offices of Cliff Arnebeck in Columbus, Ohio, and he told me that Seth Rich “died” the day before he was supposed to interview him for the lawsuit they were preparing against the DNC. Seth Rich suspiciously died the same day Molly McCauley died in Washington, DC. Molly McCauley was involved in a DNC, Hillary For President slush fund organization with John Podesta called “Resources For The Future,” which Seth Rich was also involved in with Bill Clinton.

We even outlined exactly the tool the FBI and DNC used in the intercept operation to catch Trump in the act, SecureDrop, written by the US Navy Lab at the Anacostia River, near the Maryland border of Washington, DC. Seth Rich was used in an intercept operation by the DNC to entrap Trump. Bradley Manning was used in the same way with Wikileaks to ferret out military personnel, especially JSOC Special Forces operators in Libya, Syria, and Ukraine, who talked about their CIA operations. That is what SecureDrop was used for.

Assange can restore his credibility if he immediately holds a press conference, takes questions from journalists worldwide, and admits he was being used as a lure to entrap Trump, either knowingly or unknowingly.

The 500K plane tide to a remote island to avoid all press contact looks bad. The Assange guilty plea looks bad because now we have no court trial where information can be aired in public. The guilty plea also allows the Court records to be sealed including the FBI surveillance details.

Not calling out how he was used in 2016 to trap Trump with SecureDrop looks bad. And bringing KimDotCom back for anything looks bad.

Right now, the metadata looks really bad.

SecureDrop is still being developed by the US Navy.

Due to email size limitations, I have not been able to include many of the graphics in this Substack email. Please return to this posting for the full graphics, proofs, and receipts.