Pam Bondi Forgets Jeff Epstein Was A Mega-Spy For The Mega-Group
Pam Bondi’s recent statements the Jeff Epstein in “tens of thousands of videos” with little kids flies in the face of all the evidence of over thirty years regarding Jeff Epstein.
For the benefit of Pam Bondi, I wish to remind her that Jeff Epstein was the Mega-Spy for the MegaGroup including Les Wexner and Steve Feinberg of DynCorp, a CIA cutout. Here is the 2017 piece I wrote with new graphics, “Jeff Epstein - MegaSpy for MegaGroup”.
I have covered the intelligence angle of the Jeff Epstein story for eight years, always going to the receipts of the US State Department and DynCorp tail numbers on Jeff Epstein’s planes.
Concise article summary
George Webb argues that Jeffrey Epstein’s real value to power-brokers was not sexual blackmail of celebrities but his decades-long role as a covert procurement and compromise agent for DynCorp, the CIA, the U.S. State Department, and the Israeli-linked Mega Group headed by Les Wexner.
Webb highlights a specific DynCorp-registered tail number (N474AW) that repeatedly appeared on Epstein aircraft, framing this as a “receipt” proving an intelligence affiliation ignored by mainstream Epstein commentators.
He contends that Steve Feinberg (DynCorp’s owner) used Epstein to steer sensitive technology, vaccines, and even Soviet nuclear material toward Israel while simultaneously cornering markets—such as AR-15 ammunition—for clandestine operations.
Celebrity-focused “Epstein files,” Webb says, are a deliberate distraction; the real story is a state-sponsored compromise program—run by figures like Stanley Pottinger and protected by powerful patrons such as Henry Kissinger—that harvested scientists and technologists at properties like Little St. James, the Stone Mansion, and Zorro Ranch.
Portraits of the people mentioned
George Webb - Independent journalist who publishes Task Force Orange Journal and has investigated intelligence links behind major scandals since 2016. He frames Epstein as an asset of DynCorp-CIA networks rather than merely a sex trafficker.
Webb frequently cites Epstein DynCorp aircraft tail numbers and logistics data to support his claims. His work is reader-funded and often challenges mainstream narratives.
Jeffrey Epstein - Financier and convicted sex offender portrayed here as a “Little Einstein” hacker recruited into covert services rather than a lone predator. Webb claims Epstein’s aircraft carried DynCorp tail numbers, indicating a CIA State Department cut-out role.
According to this view, Epstein’s islands and mansions served as state-backed compromise sites to reel in scientists, technologists, and policymakers for Israeli interests.
The popular focus on celebrity abuse allegations is framed as a diversion from these intelligence functions.
Steve Feinberg - Billionaire co-founder of Cerberus Capital Management and owner of DynCorp International. Webb accuses Feinberg of “cornering the market” on AR-15 ammunition for clandestine operations, working with Epstein and the Mega Group.
He is depicted as an architect of covert logistics—from weapons to bio-defense vaccines—operating through DynCorp. Feinberg’s alignment with U.S. intelligence is presented as the business backbone of the Epstein network.
Leslie “Lex” Wexner - Retail magnate and co-leader of the Mega Group of wealthy pro-Israel donors. Wexner bankrolled Epstein’s Manhattan townhouse and allegedly used Epstein to obtain advanced tech for Israeli defense projects.
Webb situates Wexner at the apex of the compromise network targeting scientists. His long friendship with Epstein is treated as evidence of strategic, not merely personal, partnership.
Donald Barr - Former OSS veteran, Columbia dean, and headmaster of Dalton School who famously hired Epstein to teach math. Webb repeats allegations that Barr used Epstein’s early hacking skills in GTE’s network for private spying.
In Barr’s orbit Epstein is depicted as a precocious tool for intelligence monitoring. Barr’s sons—especially Bill Barr—extend the family’s influence into later DOJ coverups.
William “Bill” Barr - U.S. Attorney General under Presidents George H.W. Bush and Donald Trump. Webb alleges Barr shielded Epstein’s operations because they overlapped with clandestine projects he supported during his CIA tenure.
Bill Barr’s father and shared intelligence links form a continuity of protection for Epstein. Barr’s stewardship of the DOJ during Epstein’s 2019 death is cited as the final act of that protection.
Dick Cheney - Former Defense Secretary and Vice President, portrayed as an early political patron of the Barr family’s clandestine surveillance initiatives. Webb asserts Cheney’s post-9/11 power network benefited from Epstein’s tech-theft and compromise schemes.
Cheney’s neocon circle allegedly counted on DynCorp for private military tasks aligned with Epstein logistics. He is sketched as a strategic consumer of the clandestine information pipeline Epstein fed.
George H. W. Bush - 41st U.S. President and ex-CIA Director, included as a senior figure whose intelligence milieu allegedly sponsored Epstein’s rise. Webb suggests the Bush-Barr-Cheney axis viewed Epstein as a flexible asset—part spy, part procurement officer.
Bush’s global connections dovetailed with DynCorp’s State Department contracts, reinforcing Epstein’s freedom of movement. His administration’s foreign-policy priorities set the stage for later DynCorp-Mega projects.
Pam Bondi - Former Florida Attorney General appointed by Trump to review “Epstein documents” for public release. Webb predicts Bondi will release sensational but superficial files that stoke celebrity gossip while steering attention away from intelligence links.
He casts her as a gatekeeper who may unwittingly perpetuate distraction. Bondi’s selective disclosure is framed as part of the ongoing misdirection.
Tom Hanks - Hollywood actor cited only as an example of celebrities rumored—without evidence—to appear in Epstein flight logs. Webb argues such rumors fuel tabloid frenzy that obscures deeper espionage narratives.
Hanks himself is not accused by Webb; his name illustrates how innuendo grabs public attention. The article positions Hanks as collateral damage of the “Lolita Express” dog-whistle.
Bill Richardson - Former New Mexico governor and U.S. Energy Secretary who visited Epstein’s Zorro Ranch. Webb claims Richardson’s DOE ties overlapped with Epstein’s efforts to secure nuclear materials and scientific contacts.
Richardson is portrayed as a political bridge between U.S. nuclear programs and Epstein’s Israeli patrons. The ranch served as a secluded compromise venue feeding those goals.
James Biden - Brother of President Joe Biden, linked by Webb to Water Island near Little St. James. Webb notes a clear “line of sight” between the properties, implying shared maritime surveillance or logistics.
James Biden’s involvement remains speculative but symbolizes bipartisan reach of Epstein-linked operations. His name highlights that compromise targets spanned both political parties.
Ghislaine Maxwell - Epstein’s long-time associate now convicted of sex-trafficking minors. Webb reframes Maxwell less as a lone procurer and more as a recruiter of young women to compromise scientists and tech leaders.
In this narrative Maxwell’s mission served Israeli intelligence objectives via the Mega Group. Her social pedigree and language skills made her indispensable for high-level grooming operations.
Stanley Pottinger - Former DOJ Civil Rights chief and influential Washington lawyer close to Henry Kissinger. Webb identifies Pottinger as the long-time manager of blackmail “shakedowns” on Little St. James.
Pottinger allegedly leveraged kompromat for policy favors benefiting Israel. His role indicates that legal elites, not only spooks, handled the exploitation machinery.
Henry Kissinger - Ex-Secretary of State and foreign-policy strategist portrayed as Pottinger’s patron and an elder overseer of Israel-U.S. intelligence cooperation. Webb asserts Kissinger’s friendship cemented high-level protection for Epstein’s operations.
Kissinger’s global Rolodex allegedly funneled critical intellectual property to Israel under cover of diplomatic initiatives. His presence anchors the narrative in Cold-War-era intelligence continuity.
Conan O’Brien - Comedian invoked as a future Oscar-night monologue host likely to recycle sensational Epstein jokes. Webb uses O’Brien symbolically to critique Hollywood’s fixation on lurid rumors over substantive inquiry. The mention underscores how entertainment cycles prolong distraction. O’Brien himself plays no operative role; he illustrates media shallowness.
Portraits of the organizations & key sites
DynCorp International - Private military contractor with large State Department and DoD contracts, purchased by Steve Feinberg’s Cerberus in 2010. Webb claims specific DynCorp aircraft (e.g., tail # N474AW) flew under Epstein’s control, demonstrating a direct cut-out relationship.
DynCorp allegedly supported covert vaccine programs (via DynPort) and weapons logistics intertwined with Mega Group tech acquisition. The company embodies the privatized arm of U.S. intelligence used to cloak Epstein’s movements.
CIA (Central Intelligence Agency) - U.S. foreign-intelligence service portrayed as the ultimate sponsor of Epstein’s global activities. Webb suggests the Agency outsourced sensitive compromise and tech-transfer operations to DynCorp and Epstein for plausible deniability.
The CIA’s historic links to the Barr, Bush, and Cheney networks frame Epstein as an intelligence asset rather than a rogue financier. Its silence on aircraft tail-numbers is cited as tacit confirmation.
U.S. State Department - Diplomatic arm whose Air Wing contracts with DynCorp allegedly furnished aircraft that Epstein used. State Department clearances would have enabled Epstein to bypass normal customs scrutiny.
Webb says the Department’s cooperation signals official sanction of compromise missions abroad. State’s role reinforces that Epstein’s network was state-sponsored, not merely criminal.
Mega Group - Consortium of wealthy pro-Israel philanthropists (Wexner, Charles Bronfman, et al.) funding strategic tech and political initiatives for Israel. Webb casts Mega as the ultimate customer for scientific IP and biological agents obtained via compromise.
Epstein functioned as Mega’s field operative, grooming talent and extracting technology. Mega’s charitable façade conceals a sophisticated intelligence procurement arm.
DynPort Vaccine Company - Subsidiary joint venture (DynCorp + Porton International) that holds DoD biowarfare and vaccine contracts. Webb links DynPort to Epstein’s interest in cornering critical medical technologies.
The firm exemplifies how private defense contractors monetize biological security. Its presence underscores the bio-defense dimension of Epstein’s alleged tech-theft agenda.
GTE Network - 1970s–80s U.S. telecom network said to be hacked by young Epstein under Donald Barr’s tutelage. Webb portrays this hack as Epstein’s entry ticket into intelligence surveillance work.
Access allegedly provided data on political “enemies” for Cheney/Bush circles. The episode paints Epstein as a technical prodigy weaponized by spymasters early on.
Little St. James Island - Epstein’s private U.S. Virgin Islands retreat, branded the “Lolita Express” destination in popular media. Webb defines it instead as a state-sponsored compromise hub aimed at scientists and VIPs, managed by Stanley Pottinger.
The operation harvested intellectual property, not merely illicit sex. Its strategic location near Water Island underscores possible maritime surveillance interests.
Stone Mansion (New York City) - Epstein-owned Upper East Side townhouse given to him by Les Wexner. Webb views it as the mainland complement to island compromise sites, tailored to entrap Manhattan’s elite.
Surveillance tech allegedly wired every room for blackmail collection. The property’s legal ownership trail ties Wexner’s Mega Group directly to covert operations.
Zorro Ranch (New Mexico) - Expansive desert estate linked to high-energy and nuclear insiders including Bill Richardson. Webb claims the ranch hosted scientists working on Los Alamos-adjacent tech, making it a compromise lab for nuclear secrets. Its remoteness provided secure airstrips for DynCorp aircraft.
The site illustrates Epstein’s integration with U.S. national-laboratory ecosystems.
Task Force Orange Journal - George Webb’s subscription newsletter focusing on covert military and intelligence subjects. The publication frames Epstein’s saga within larger Pentagon and CIA clandestine programs.
Webb invites readers to support independent investigation beyond the mainstream press. The platform functions as both a reporting outlet and an archival repository for his DynCorp-centric evidence.
Introduction -
We have focused on the associates of Jeff Epstein like Steve Feinberg at Dyncorp since 2016. This screenshot is from 2016 on George Webb’s YouTube channel, which Senator Mark Warner took down in concert with Donie O’Sullivan of CNN with a demand letter to Google.
Steve Feinberg has been cornering the market on AR-15 ammunition for CIA cutout DynCorp with Jeff Epstein and MegaGroup with Lex Wexner.
Jeff Epstein was a “Little Einstein” that hacked into the GTE network for Donald Barr and Bill Barr to do spying on the perceived enemies of Dick Cheney and George HW Bush.
George Webb’s Task Force Orange Journal is a reader-supported publication. To receive new posts and support my work, consider becoming a free or paid subscriber.
Return here for the second half of the 2017 article. I am at the Substack limit here for email.
I have always associated Jeff Epstein with a CIA cutout called DynCorp because his planes have DynCorp tail numbers. For eight years, I have tried to get Epstein pundits to look at this obvious intel connection to the CIA and US State Department, but to no avail.
I have shown that N474AW DynCorp, CIA, and US State Department tail number to YouTuber after YouTuber, and it is like I was showing them mercury water. They ignore it. Better for them to blog about the Lolita Express compromise operation, where everyone thinks all the girls were flying over to St. James against their will to be sex trafficked.
The Epstein Files seem to be the ultimate red meat, a dog whistle that diverts attention from Jeff Epstein's real operations. It is ready to work whenever you put your lips together and blow. I have much preferred covering how Epstein wanted to corner key scientists for his role with Lex Wexner and the Mega Group, covering key technology like DynCorp and DynPort vaccines or purloining highly enriched uranium from the old Soviet Union.
But I will let Pam Bondi release all the Epstein Files now so everyone can see if Tom Hanks is really a child molester going to St. James Island. He isn’t, of course, but we will have a few weeks of innuendo before the Academy Awards again instead of really digging into who Jeff Epstein really was, and the role he played for DynCorp and the MegaGroup.
I will let all the Epstein Files trickle out with all their charges of child trafficking, but eventually, we will get back to Secretary of Energy Bill Richardson’s close relationship to Epstein at the Zorro Ranch in New Mexico, for instance. Not that I didn’t go to Little St. James, St. John’s, and James Biden’s Water Island. I did.
Journalist George Webb explores the line of sight from James Biden’s Water Island to Jeff Epstein’s Little St. James Island in Feb 2020.
But you won’t find the exploitative child trafficking that is promised in the Epstein Files. Instead, you will find a lot of young women recruited by Epstein and Ghislane Maxwell who willingly went there to compromise with key scientists and technologists to advance the technological treasure trove of the State of Israel, including intellectual property theft.
The Little St. James operation was state-sponsored from Day One.
None other than Stanley Pottinger, Henry Kissinger's good friend, ran the shakedown for decades against the Johns entrapped on the Island.
The Little St. James operation, like the Stone Mansion in New York and the Zorro Ranch in New Mexico, were compromise operations, not child trafficking operations. Smearing Hollywood elites before the Oscars may be fun, but it isn’t true. These Epstein operations were about gaining Israel's advanced military tech in nuclear and biological agents with vaccines. But I will wait for all the files to drop before the Oscars and Conan O’Brien’s Oscars monologue. Then, we can get back to who Jeff Epstein really was.
George Webb’s Task Force Orange Journal is a reader-supported publication. To receive new posts and support my work, consider becoming a free or paid subscriber.
ChatGPT query
Can you summarize the book, “Billionaire Boys Club” written by George Webb from 2017?
Certainly. Billionaire Boys Club is a true-crime investigative book by investigative journalist George Webb, not to be confused with the unrelated 1980s murder scandal of the same name. Webb’s version of Billionaire Boys Club focuses on Jeffrey Epstein and a covert network of intelligence-linked billionaires who allegedly used financial, scientific, and sexual compromise operations to gain power and protect geopolitical interests.
Key Summary:
Jeffrey Epstein is portrayed not merely as a sex trafficker, but as a long-term U.S. intelligence asset, used by the CIA and other entities to run blackmail operations involving politicians, scientists, and foreign elites.
Epstein’s financier facade (via Bear Stearns and his own mysterious hedge fund) was a cover for more nefarious activities, including brokering deals on behalf of powerful clients tied to U.S. intelligence and arms trading.
The book alleges Epstein worked with DynCorp, a known CIA contractor, using planes with DynCorp-linked tail numbers, and that his island properties functioned as outposts for intelligence operations.
Webb links Epstein to Steve Feinberg, Les Wexner, and the Mega Group, arguing that these billionaires formed an elite club working alongside U.S. and Israeli intelligence.
Epstein’s role in science funding (e.g., MIT Media Lab, Harvard) is described as a means to recruit young minds, influence technological development, and possibly conduct unethical bio-research tied to population control and eugenics.
Main Figures in the Book:
Jeffrey Epstein – Seen as the public-facing operative of a deeper intelligence-finance-blackmail system.
Steve Feinberg – Founder of Cerberus Capital Management, linked to DynCorp; portrayed as a shadowy financier aligned with CIA interests.
Les Wexner – Epstein’s main backer; tied to the Mega Group; accused of providing Epstein with cover through ownership of key properties.
Ghislaine Maxwell – Described as an operative who helped procure girls and manage intelligence contacts.
The Mega Group – A loosely affiliated group of billionaires with ties to Israeli and American intelligence networks.
DynCorp – A CIA contractor allegedly tied to Epstein’s aircraft and covert operations.
Themes:
Sexual blackmail as intelligence tradecraft
Private sector fusion with intelligence agencies
Scientific philanthropy as recruitment and influence operation
The use of wealth to shield covert actions from scrutiny