Comprehensive Summary Of NATO, DARPA, WHO
Can Be Found At "NATO, DARPA" tab at georgewebb.substack.com
Part One – The White House Comes In With Another Ringing Endorsement of Potomac Group georgewebb.substack.com
The opener frames Webb’s central thesis: NATO’s pandemic rehearsal pipeline flows through DARPA “counter-measure” programs that later re-emerge as public-health policy. He recounts how White House bio-defense aides allegedly green-lit Potomac Group contracts that folded covert military vaccines into BARDA stockpiles. Webb positions Potomac as the revolving-door hub linking Pentagon labs, NATO’s medical corps, and WHO grant channels.
Webb traces the money path from DARPA’s ADEPT platform to Moderna’s early mRNA acquisitions, arguing the Pentagon treated COVID-19 as a live-fire readiness drill. FOIA correspondence cited by Webb shows overlapping personnel on CEPI steering committees and DARPA “Blue Ribbon” panels. These overlaps, he claims, allowed classified work on aerosolized antibodies to leap directly into Operation Warp Speed.
Webb next introduces Virginia Benassi as a cipher for trans-Atlantic grant laundering. Using procurement logs, he shows Benassi-linked emails steering WHO challenge-grant winners toward contractors already seeded by DARPA milestone payments. He concludes that the White House endorsement effectively laundered military tech into civilian-vaccine narratives.
Finally, Webb warns that the same Potomac network is positioned to monetize “pan-pathogen” nasal sprays as NATO prepares for biothreat Article 5 scenarios. He urges congressional auditors to subpoena DARPA’s Other Transaction Authority (OTA) files. Without transparency, Webb argues, every future pandemic drill becomes a managed profit cycle for the same insiders.
Part Two – All Bob’s DARPA and DTRA Horses Got a Head Start georgewebb.substack.com
Webb opens by dubbing Dr. Robert Kadlec “Bob,” the Pentagon’s long-time counter-measure czar. He recounts Kadlec’s role in seeding classified DTRA funds into DARPA’s Predict, Prevent, Protect initiative years before SARS-CoV-2 appeared. That “head start,” Webb argues, explains how prototype spike-protein vaccines existed before patient zero.
Webb details a 2018 NATO bio-surveillance exercise in Tbilisi, Georgia, where DARPA field-tested modular RNA patches on special-operations medics. After-action memos, Webb says, read like pre-clearance notes for later FDA Emergency Use Authorizations. He claims DTRA’s covert shipments of lyophilized vectors to allied labs laid the logistical tracks.
Kadlec’s contracting tree is mapped to Emergent BioSolutions, DynPort, and Novavax. Webb uses Inspector-General audits to show the same shell primes appearing under different NAICS codes for sole-source awards. He insists this deliberate fracturing hides cumulative obligation totals from congressional scorekeepers.
The part closes by warning that congressional pandemic reviews will miss the mark if they ignore DTRA’s role as DARPA’s overseas “cut-out.” Webb calls for forensic reconciliation of Kadlec’s OTA invoices against NATO’s StratCom purchase ledger. Only then, he says, will the true pre-planning timeline surface.
Part Three – Two Gentlemen of Corona: NATO Intel Chiefs Have COVID Headstart georgewebb.substack.com
Webb shifts to September 2019, spotlighting NATO Intelligence Committee meetings in Lombardy. Two senior officers allegedly fell ill with a “mystery pneumonia” after touring Wuhan Military Games delegations. Webb contends these cases were the real patient zeros, months before China’s first public notices.
He cross-references hotel logs, flight manifests, and genomic sampling from a Milan research hospital. The samples contain a rare furin-cleavage insert identical to a DARPA proposal rejected in 2018. Webb argues that coincidence suggests a classified go-ahead outside peer review.
Virginia Benassi resurfaces as the WHO “challenge-grant scout” who routed Lombardy lung-lavage data to Erasmus Lab in Rotterdam. Erasmus, in Webb’s telling, was already under subcontract to DARPA’s PREEMPT program. Thus NATO intelligence, WHO grants, and DARPA wet-lab work converged in the same pathogen pipeline.
He concludes that the intelligence chiefs’ infection was either an operational accident or an early-stage human-challenge trial. In either case, Webb says, it demonstrates NATO’s foreknowledge. He calls for a joint EU-Parliament inquiry with subpoena power.
Part Four – All Roads Lead to Rheinmetall
Webb next follows supply-chain breadcrumbs to Germany’s Rheinmetall Defence Bio-Protection unit. He asserts that Rheinmetall retrofitted NATO field hospitals with aerosol vaccine “foggers” originally pitched for crowd-control. Procurement interface notes list DARPA’s SIGMA+ sensors alongside these foggers, implying dual-use deployment.
Emails obtained by a Bundestag whistleblower place Virginia Benassi on a review board approving Rheinmetall’s prototype for WHO disaster-relief tenders. Webb highlights overlapping directors between Rheinmetall’s medical subsidiary and Berlin’s Fraunhofer Institute, long tied to DARPA’s tobacco-plant vaccine work. He argues this reveals a NATO-EU industrial flank hiding behind civilian-aid façades.
A sidebar examines Munich Security Conference panels where Rheinmetall execs promoted “vaccine weather-stations” for rapid drone dispersal. Webb claims these demos pre-dated similar tech rolled into Ukraine after February 2022. He views the sequence as field validation for future biothreat Article 5 triggers.
He ends by urging the German parliament to release internal risk-benefit analyses. Without them, Webb warns, NATO’s European members may be underwriting the next gain-of-function leak under the guise of “humanitarian fogging.”
Part Five – Wuhan Race Track georgewebb.substack.com
This installment scrutinizes the World Military Games held in Wuhan, October 2019. Webb depicts the Athletes’ Village as a “biodefense trade show” where NATO medics compared wearable RNA patches supplied by ONR and Defense Health Agency. He collates athletes’ social-media posts describing sudden fevers and lost sense of smell.
Next, Webb tracks mobile PCR labs operated by the Chinese Academy of Military Medical Sciences. He claims these were co-funded under a 2017 DARPA-PLA “Reciprocal Threat Reduction” MOU brokered in Geneva. The labs allegedly ferried nasal swabs directly to Shanghai’s Institut Pasteur branch.
The “race track” metaphor refers to shuttle buses looping between athlete dorms, lab tents, and a private VIP clinic. Webb maps the loop to a DARPA-sponsored biosurveillance app that geofenced participants without informed consent. He argues this was an in-the-wild trial of mass-tracking plus rapid mRNA booster shots.
Finally, Webb asserts the ensuing illness cluster provided a data-rich baseline for Moderna’s first clinical-grade cDNA libraries. He claims this explains the unusually fast vaccine pick-list locked by January 2020. Without acknowledging the Games, public timelines remain, in his words, “a magician’s flourish over the rabbit hole.”
Part Six – Hiding Vaccine Trials in Africa: Welcome to Korangwe georgewebb.substack.com
Webb moves to Korangwe, an anonymized Central-African training range leased by U.S. Special Operations Command. He alleges NATO’s Africa Command partnered with German NGO “Eco-Gates” to mask human-challenge trials as malaria prophylaxis research. DARPA funds, funneled through USAID PREDICT, bankrolled mobile mRNA mixers branded as “cold-chain in a box.”
He presents invoices for freeze-dried lipid nanoparticles shipped from Dulles to Entebbe. Manifest codes match those used in Operation Warp Speed when Catalent delivered booster lots to the U.S. Midwest. Webb argues the Africa trials answered regulatory questions U.S. agencies couldn’t legally tackle at home.
A whistle-blown PowerPoint lists primary endpoints—antibody titers, T-cell memory, and “neutrophil exhaustion”—the latter red-flagged by FDA reviewers months later. Webb says Korangwe volunteers were never informed of gene-therapy risk. Instead, they received $50 stipends and free cell phones.
He concludes by warning that Korangwe’s data now underpin CEPI’s “100-Day Mission” for the next pandemic. Webb urges African Union health ministers to demand the raw datasets. Absent oversight, he predicts a repeat of unethical colonial-era vaccine campaigns.
Part Seven – The Benassi Switchboard
Here Webb deep-dives the mysterious Benassi email domain that routes grant proposals across WHO, Erasmus Lab, and NATO physiologists. He traces MX-records to a Virginia-based cloud server previously used by In-Q-Tel portfolio firm Endgame Sys. Log records leaked to Webb show simultaneous logins from Geneva, Norfolk-Virginia, and Fort Belvoir.
Through WHO procurement logs, Webb matches Benassi-approved grants to identical DARPA BAA project numbers—evidence, he says, that Benassi acts as a “switchboard” laundering military solicitations into public-health guise. He highlights cases where losing DARPA bidders nonetheless won WHO seed money, only to be re-hired later under sole-source Pentagon Task Orders.
The switchboard metaphor extends to media spin: Webb notes synchronized press releases timed to drown criticism of gain-of-function research. These releases often quote CEPI or GAVI officials who later appear in NATO StratCom webinars. The choreography, he argues, is too tight to be coincidence.
Webb wraps by calling on investigative journalists to FOIA IP logs and metadata around Virginia Benassi’s accounts. Unmasking the true user, he says, is the Rosetta Stone for NATO-WHO-DARPA collusion. He doubts mainstream outlets will follow the trail.
Part Eight – Coup, Coup, Cachou – CEPI georgewebb.substack.com
This chapter likens CEPI’s funding model to a soft coup against sovereign bio-regulators. Webb recounts how CEPI’s “tiger-team” used pandemic emergency framing to bypass normal ethics boards in Norway, India, and Brazil. He quotes CEPI memos labeling speedy approvals as “cachou”—a magician’s distraction pellet.
He unpacks CEPI’s investment tree: Wellcome Trust, Gates Foundation, and NATO’s Emerging Security Challenges Division. The same venture pools appear in DARPA patent filings for self-amplifying RNA. Webb argues CEPI operates as the civilian-facing front that launders military IP into for-profit ventures.
A case study on CureVac’s rabies mRNA jab shows CEPI fronted $34 million while DARPA retained “march-in” rights for military deployment. Webb says identical clauses appear in six other CEPI contracts, revealing hidden defense control. He brands this pattern a “coup” over national vaccine sovereignty.
The finale warns of CEPI’s proposed “plug-and-play” manufacturing nodes inside NATO air corridors. Webb concludes that without public vetting, CEPI could flip a switch and inject entire populations during the next crisis—no legislatures required.
Part Nine – Project Moonshot Meets Dark Winter
Webb juxtaposes President Biden’s “Cancer Moonshot” with the 2001 Dark Winter bioterror drill authors, many now steering mRNA-cancer trials at Fort Belvoir. He reveals shared board members between the Moonshot task force and DARPA’s AMP-It-Up on-demand biomanufacturing program. This, Webb argues, blurs lines between oncology and bio-warfare.
A Freedom of Information trove shows Moonshot advisory calls that included Brighton Collaboration—a WHO safety-signal group previously funded by Gates. Meeting minutes discuss re-using COVID lipid-nanoparticle stockpiles for personalized tumor vaccines. Webb claims this repurposing skirts new-drug regulations by classifying cancer jabs as “strain updates.”
He highlights a Milken Institute panel where Dark Winter architect Thomas Inglesby praised Moonshot’s “rapid-response vectored platforms.” Webb interprets this as open admission of dual-use doctrines. The same panel floated contingency authorities for compulsory cancer inoculations after biothreat attacks.
Webb closes Part Nine insisting Congress must firewall civilian cancer research from biodefense exigencies. Otherwise, he warns, DARPA will own the chemotherapy of the future under battlefield doctrine, not patient consent.
Part Ten – Benassis Everywhere You Looked georgewebb.substack.com
The finale circles back to Europe, following Webb on a reporting trip to Erasmus Lab in Rotterdam. He identifies database traces of the Benassi account in at least eight EU Horizon-2020 grant portals. One login occurred minutes after the WHO declared COVID-19 a pandemic, suggesting foreknowledge.
Webb interviews former Erasmus technicians who recall “mystery Italians” collecting SARS-like plasmids as early as 2016. He cross-checks shipping invoices showing synthetic genomes sent to NATO-affiliated labs in Estonia. The evidence, he says, cements Erasmus as the genomic foundry for the NATO-DARPA-WHO triangle.
Next, Webb attends a Benelux biosecurity conference where DARPA’s Dr. Michael Callahan touts “universal patch” vaccines built on Erasmus backbone libraries. Callahan dismisses concerns about dual-use export controls, calling them “20th-century bureaucracy.” Webb characterizes this as the quiet normalization of military-grade gain-of-function.
Webb ends the series by calling for a Hague-level tribunal on biological weapons masquerading as pandemic preparedness. Until the Benassi network is exposed, Webb warns, every new vaccine rush may cloak another covert weapons platform. The series thus leaves readers with an urgent mandate for forensic transparency.